…at least to me…
In my recent post regarding Edmund Burke, The
Enlightenment’s Critic of Reason, I offered:
There seems to be much controversy
in interpreting and understanding Burke; there are also aspects of his thinking
that run contrary to – or at least appear to run contrary to – the idea of
liberty. I will avoid all of this…
While I will still avoid this in the sense of making some definitive
interpretive statement about Burke’s thinking, I do want to examine some of the
controversy. To begin, what is the
controversy? As offered by Gerard
Casey:
When it comes to
Burke’s writing, the critics divide.
William Pitt described it as “a
mass of rhapsodic effusion [commanding] little admiration.” Thomas Paine attacked what he saw as Burke’s
unjustified attack on the French, as did Marx – who, when criticizing Burke for
his attack on the French Revolution, described him as a “sycophant…in the pay
of the English oligarchy…” Conversely,
Burke is described as a “more radical thinker even than Karl Marx himself.”
A good amount of the confusion and controversy appears to
stem from Burke’s evolving position from the time of his early publication, A Vindication of Natural Society, to his
later publications. This early
publication, written anonymously when Burke was 27 years old, is described as
one of the first statements in defense of rationalistic and individual anarchism;
later, Burke would be known for what could be described as more of a
conservative-libertarian posture.
Burke would come to describe Vindication as satire; his anonymity having been revealed shortly
before he was to take public office, a defense of anarchy and against the state
would not sit well. Most accept his
explanation; there are some who do not.
One of these latter is Murray Rothbard.
Casey comments on Rothbard’s
assessment of Burke and his Vindication:
Rothbard’s view that Burke should be taken literally has not gained meaningful
acceptance. I will suggest that Rothbard
could very well be right; Burke may very well have been sincere – in both his
earlier and his later writing. To make
my case, I will present as evidence none other than Murray Rothbard.
Rothbard wrote perhaps…I don’t know…200 million words in his
lifetime. Reading through his work
throughout this time one will find evolving positions on various topics about
liberty; some have commented here: “are you speaking of the early Rothbard or
the later Rothbard?”
Given the breadth, depth, and scope of Rothbard’s work, how
could such evolution be otherwise? I have
stumbled with trying to encapsulate the work of Rothbard in bringing together
thought from various schools and multiple thinkers into this thing we call
libertarianism. I have found someone who
has stated this idea much more succinctly and clearly than I ever have. Gerard Casey offers Wendy McElroy’s view on
Rothbard:
In her view, Rothbard was a system
builder who put together, in a unique fashion, elements that did not
necessarily originate with him.
Casey also offers, from Joseph Stromberg, that it was
Rothbard who pulled together classical liberalism, free-market anarchism,
Austrian school economists, upholders of natural law and natural rights, “isolationists,”
revisionist historians, and critics of the state.
Murray Rothbard’s goal was a grand
synthesis of all of these forms of knowledge.
One can nitpick specific positions of Rothbard here and
there; one can find examples of his thinking that have changed over time. One cannot deny two things: first, he was successful
at pulling off this “grand synthesis,” and second, regarding his evolving
thinking, that his objective was always liberty and not the purity of
libertarianism.
What do you want from someone who wrote 200 million words
and pulled together into a logical whole these many disparate disciplines?
So, returning to Burke: he was the first to write
extensively on individualistic anarchism; he has been described as the first
post-modern (i.e. deconstructing the Enlightenment) thinker – at the time when “modern”
(i.e. the Enlightenment) was being born.
Why is it unreasonable to conclude that Burke was sincere in both his
early phase and his later phase? Why is
it difficult to accept that the road to liberty requires thinking through
anarchism and finding one’s self at more of a conservative-libertarian
position?
I know at least one other person who has walked this path in
search of liberty, and he is sitting at my keyboard typing these words. Not so difficult for me to believe that this development
is possible.
Conclusion
1
Corinthians 13:11 When I was a child, I talked like a child, I thought like
a child, I reasoned like a child. When I became a man, I put the ways of
childhood behind me.
When it comes to thinking about liberty, from what I have
read of Rothbard I know this verse was never applicable. For Burke I can’t say, but to conclude that
the verse is applicable is reasonable to me.
Applicable to me? An
absolute certainty.
Mr. M,
ReplyDeleteI'm still in the car...
I haven't read enough of Burke's work to hold a strong opinion either way. But progressing from writing a defense of personal anarchism to eventually holding public office seems rather backwards to me.
ReplyDeleteI also have not read enough Burke to comment authoritatively, but maybe Burke realized a greater evil in the revolutionary radicalism sweeping the continent than in the existing monarchical states.
DeleteMaybe he saw the tide sweeping in the wrong direction, and seeing the leading libertarian lights of the day (Paine, Lafayette, Jefferson especially) either having a significant radicalism themselves or being used as the useful idiots of the radicals, perhaps he thought he needed to take a stand on the side of tradition and relatively less dangerous statism despite his anarchist convictions.
I think this is basically the course Molyneux has taken. He still holds to the preferability of anarchism, but in seeing the immanent danger of growing leftism and mass immigration threatening to drown the last vestiges of a culture of liberty from the West, he decided to endorse Trump and his border wall.
*imminent not immanent
DeleteJeff, I am thinking to write something about Rand Paul (he seems much more principled today, or at least is taking more principled positions) - and also reflect on what Ron Paul meant toward liberty. (Tom Woods recently did a podcast on this.)
DeleteI can't say why Burke took the path he took. But I can appreciate the value to liberty of a Ron Paul (and, maybe now, Rand).
ATL, it does seem to always come down to choosing the lesser evil.
ReplyDeleteBM, Ron Paul is clearly a moral person, and one who has dedicated his life to promoting liberty and a just society. I doubt anyone else in his position could have done as well.
However, during his time in government he did vote for one unnecessary war that resulted in the loss of many innocent lives. By definition that makes him a mass murderer, and a testament to the impossibility of holding public office simultaneously with a principled position.
I believe the vote to which you refer regards Afghanistan, and my recollection is that it was a vote to capture/ kill those responsible for 911.
DeleteI may be wrong, but in any case this is secondary to my point. We all are swimming in mud, committing levels of aggression daily. Sure, we can say that walking on a publicly funded sidewalk or driving on publicly funded roads is not the same as committing mass murder, but on what basis?
In any case, even with this one vote taken into account, Ron Paul was one of a kind in Congress - perhaps for at least 100 years. Yes, it is impossible to stay pure when swimming in that much mud; mostly, I think it is because most good people don't want the job. Paul was a true exception, in every way and for the good.
He knew in advance it was going to be used to invade Afghanistan. It was a clear vote for war despite his vocal reservations at the time. There was absolutely no doubt innocent people would die as a result. I don't really see a comparison between making that decision and making use of public services.
Delete"In any case, even with this one vote taken into account, Ron Paul was one of a kind in Congress - perhaps for at least 100 years. Yes, it is impossible to stay pure when swimming in that much mud; mostly, I think it is because most good people don't want the job. Paul was a true exception, in every way and for the good."
I agree completely, but I also think he took on an impossible task. There would need to be quite a few Ron Pauls in the world to keep the state in line, and they simply don't exist.