Freedom Betrayed, by Herbert
Hoover
It is often cited by defenders of the Constitution that the
last properly declared U.S. war was the Second World War. There are a couple of facts that are pretty
solid for those who take this viewpoint. On December 8, 1941, President
Roosevelt asked Congress for a declaration of war with Japan; on December 11 he
asked for a declaration against Germany and Italy. Congress approved these and
thus was war declared.
So why question these irrefutable facts? Where is the “not
exactly” in these events? I guess it
depends on what the definition of “war” is.
Roosevelt took many actions against Germany prior to December
11, 1941. Hoover outlines and documents many of these, even stating that these
actions were taken for the purpose of bringing about an attack against the U.S.
such that Congressional and popular support would swing toward direct U.S.
involvement in the war. Looking backwards from today’s perspective, some of
these actions seem trivial when compared to the gross abuses of Presidential
power regarding military action. However, in 1941, there were many (including
Hoover) who felt the President had gone far beyond his constitutional
authority.
With the American people and the
Congress greatly opposed to entering the war, our participation appeared
unlikely unless some overt act against us was made either by Germany or Japan
which would reverse this tide. Certain elements in the Washington Administration
seemed to hold this view and undertook measures to bring about such an attack.
A series of activities in the Atlantic were sure to be
observed by the Germans.
The President on July 7, 1941,
informed Congress of the landing of American troops in Iceland, Trinidad, and
British Guiana, saying:
…forces of the United States Navy
have today arrived in Iceland in order to supplement, and eventually to
replace, the British forces….
Roosevelt justified this deployment by stating that such
positions in the Atlantic must be denied the Germans in order to prevent a
German attack against the Western Hemisphere (an attack Germany did not have
the capability or intent to carry out).
This deployment was opposed by some. Senator Robert Taft protested the
occupation, saying “I think the President has grossly exceeded his
constitutional authority.”
…on July 11, Nelson A. Rockefeller,
then a member of Mr. Roosevelt’s administration, announced the black-listing of
about 2,000 Latin-American firms and individuals having connections with the
Axis. We were not yet at war.
Indeed. If the U.S. was not yet at war, why black-list
anyone? Or why not black-list firms associated with the Soviets? Or why not
black-list associates of all warring factions?
To say nothing of the lack of due process in this action (but that is a
topic for another day).
On August 5, I [Hoover] joined a
declaration against the current warlike actions….The statement read as follows
[portions excerpted]:
Exceeding its express purpose, the
lend-lease bill has been followed by naval action, by military occupation of
bases outside the Western Hemisphere, by promise of unauthorized aid to Russia,
and by other belligerent moves.
Recent events raise doubts that
this war is a clear-cut issue of liberty and democracy. It is not purely a
world conflict between tyranny and freedom. The Anglo-Russian alliance has
dissipated that notion.
American participation is far more
likely to destroy democracy in this country and thus in the Western Hemisphere
than to establish in Europe. The hope of
civilization now rests on the preservation of freedom and democracy in the
United States.
On August 9, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister
Churchill met off the coast of Newfoundland. On August 14, they issued what is
known as The Atlantic Charter. This charter
was discussed in the Senate
Senator Patrick McCarran called it “tantamount
to a declaration of war by this country.” Senator David I. Walsh said that it “goes
far beyond the Constitutional powers of the President.”
Others joined in the criticism. Certainly, if members of the
U.S. Senate viewed the agreement this way (rightly or wrongly), it should not
be a surprise if the Germans and Hitler felt the same.
Yet others provided support:
Senator Claude Pepper declared the
statement “magnificent” and “the nearest thing to a declaration of world independence
I have ever heard.”
It strikes me that “a declaration of world independence” is
somewhat outside of the bounds of Constitutional authority. This doesn’t faze the good Senator. Such a document as this Charter might also be
viewed as a belligerent act by those who hold a different view regarding world independence.
What were some of the clauses of this announcement of the
Atlantic Charter that cause those who viewed it as an act of war to such an
interpretation? Following are some excerpts:
The whole problem of the supply of
munitions of war, as provided by the Lend-Lease Act, for the armed forces of
the United States and for those countries actively engaged in resisting
aggression has been further examined.
Lord Beaverbrook, the Minister of
Supply of the British Government, has joined in these conferences. He is going
to proceed to Washington to discuss further details with appropriate officials
of the United States Government. These conferences
will also cover the supply problems of the Soviet Union.
Discussions regarding providing military supplies to both
the British and the Soviets (both engaged in war with the Germans). This certainly seems like a war-like
clause.
They [Roosevelt and Churchill] have
had several conferences. They have
considered the dangers to world civilization arising from…the Hitlerite
government of Germany and other governments associated therewith….
Following are some of the common principles that underlie
this declaration:
THIRD, they respect the right of
all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and
they wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who
have been forcibly deprived of them;
Note this does not apply to territories conquered by the Soviet
Union, only to territories conquered by Germany as made clear above.
SIXTH, after a final destruction of
the Nazi tyranny….
I don’t think Roosevelt was thinking of a winner-take-all
soccer match….
In reading these words, it is not difficult to see why some
Senators felt that war had been declared by the President, and that he did so
without Constitutional authority.
Prime Minister Churchill added to the war rhetoric…
…on August 24, in a broadcast,
proclaim[ing] that President Roosevelt had agreed to join the war, saying:
…the President of the United
States and the British representative in…the Atlantic Charter have jointly
pledged their countries to the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny.
Of course, it can be said that much of this is words. Braggadocio
is part and parcel of being a great political leader. Hoover sees much more, and continues:
In an address to workers in a
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, steel plant…Rear Admiral Clark H. Woodward, U.S.N.
(retired), naval representative on the Federal Board of Civilian Defense,
expressed his belief that the United States “will be actively engaged in the
war in a short time.”
The New York Herald tribune
reported the admiral as saying:
As a matter of fact, we are
already at war, so there is no use trying to fool ourselves about it.
But why take the word or a retired Admiral?
On September 1, Mr. Churchill asked
Mr. Roosevelt to assign American ships to transport two Commonwealth divisions
to the Middle East. This was done, and the 40,000 men duly landed.
This is getting a little closer to home. Providing military
escort to troops headed for battle. Sounds war-like. But there is more:
On September 4, the Navy announced
that the U.S. destroyer Greer, en route to Iceland
with the mail, had been attacked by torpedoes from a submarine, and that the Greer had counterattacked with depth charges. At a press conference the next day the
President described it as an attack.
Carrying mail, for goodness sakes. What could be more benign than this?
It turns out the President might have been technically correct
in his description, but not quite truthful:
It developed that a British plane
had advised the Greer of the location of a German
submarine. The Greer had searched for the
submarine, located it, and trailed it for three and one-half hours until it
turned and fired a torpedo. Having thus been “attacked,” the Greer used depth charges until it lost contact.
Even this much of the truth was provided grudgingly. The
Senate demanded to see the log of the Greer, but
instead received the above description in a statement from Admiral Stark.
There is more.
Roosevelt commented on another American ship, the Robin
Moor:
A few months ago an American flag
merchant ship, the Robin Moor, was sunk by a Nazi
submarine in the middle of the South Atlantic, under circumstances violating
long-established international law and violating every principle of humanity….
The ship had been carrying
contraband, and the passengers and crew were allowed to leave the ship.
Hoover goes on to list other similar claims by Roosevelt,
each a version of “we were minding our own business when, for no justifiable
reason and completely unprovoked, our ships were attacked.” In each case, as in
the examples above, Hoover explains why the President’s statements are not
truthful; in fact the U.S. was taking actions consistent with a nation at war.
On September 16, Hoover once again addressed the nation in a
broadcast:
No one will deny that if we keep up
this step-by-step policy it will lead inevitably to sending our sons into this
war….It is the ultimate end of this road that must be looked at.
In this address, Hoover goes on to outline many of the
points previously discussed: let the two tyrants knock each other out; Hitler cannot
cross the English Channel let alone the Atlantic, etc. He continues, regarding the de facto war being
fought by Roosevelt:
…the President’s policy of edging
our warships into danger zones, of sending American merchant ships with
contraband raises the most critical of all questions. These steps to war are unapproved and
undeclared by the Congress….
Hoover then outlines an October 17 incident with the U.S.
destroyer Kearny. The destroyer was convoying ships carrying munitions to England
(against the provisions of Lend-Lease). She attacked a German submarine, and
the submarine counterattacked, killing eleven men on board.
On October 22, General Robert E.
Wood of the America First Committee issued a challenge to the President to go
before Congress and ask for a positive vote on peace and war. The President did not make the test.
This Committee has been tainted as anti-Semitic, or a Nazi
front organization. I do not intend to discuss these aspects; however it is
worth pointing out some background and views of this organization. From
Wikipedia:
The America First Committee (AFC)
was the foremost non-interventionist pressure group against the American entry
into World War II. Peaking at 800,000 paid members in 650 chapters, it was one
of the largest anti-war organizations in American history. Started in 1940, it
shut down after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941.
The AFC gained much of its early
strength by merging with the more left-wing Keep America Out of War Committee,
whose leaders had included such mainstays of America First as Norman Thomas and
John T. Flynn.
AFC was established September 4,
1940, by Yale Law School student R. Douglas Stuart, Jr., along with other
students, including future President Gerald Ford, future Peace Corps director
Sargent Shriver, and future U.S. Supreme Court justice Potter Stewart. At its
peak, America First claimed 800,000 dues-paying members in 650 chapters,
located mostly in a 300-mile radius of Chicago.
The America First Committee
launched a petition aimed at enforcing the 1939 Neutrality Act and forcing
President Franklin D. Roosevelt to keep his pledge to keep America out of the
war. They strongly distrusted Roosevelt, arguing that he was lying to the
American people.
On the day after Roosevelt's
lend-lease bill was submitted to the United States Congress, Wood promised AFC
opposition "with all the vigor it can exert." America First staunchly
opposed the convoying of ships, the Atlantic Charter, and the placing of economic
pressure on Japan. In order to achieve the defeat of lend-lease and the
perpetuation of American neutrality, the AFC advocated four basic principles:
The United States must build an impregnable
defense for America.
No foreign power, nor group of powers, can
successfully attack a prepared America.
American democracy can be preserved only by
keeping out of the European war.
"Aid short of war" [a Roosevelt
policy at this time] weakens national defense at home and threatens to involve
America in war abroad.
These statements and positions seem quite consistent with
the statements of Hoover throughout this book.
As against Roosevelt’s regular claims of overt German acts
against the United States, on November 5, Arthur Krock of the Washington Bureau
of the New York Times said:
…in my opinion, Hitler can throw at
us both the dictionary and the facts when he says we “attacked” him. Why should the American Government ever have
attempted to obscure it?...
Yet our government did attempt to
obscure it, as the record shows….
On November 7, 1941, Admiral Stark wrote to admiral Hart:
…The Navy is already in the war of
the Atlantic, but the country doesn’t seem to realize it….Whether the country
knows it or not, we are at war.
When asked by Representative Gearhart if it was because of
the actions directed by the President at that time against the Germans that
Stark said the U.S. was already at war, Admiral Stark replied:
That is correct.
Technically…we were not at war…because
war had not been declared, but actually, so far as the forces operating under
Admiral King in certain areas, it was war against any German craft that came
inside that area.
Admiral Stark sees it this way. The U.S. was not at war
because Congress had not declared war. But
actually, the U.S. was at war before Congress declared war. On this point, Admiral
Stark should be sufficient authority.
I will end where I began. Technically, Congress authorized
U.S. entry into World War II. In reality, Roosevelt was already fighting the
war long before this declaration. It was
Roosevelt’s desire to get Germany to take the first significantly overt action,
in the hope that this would move the American people and Congress to back his
desire for war.
This did not work with the Germans. Hitler, it seems, wanted to avoid providing
reason to bring the U.S. into this war. Hoover next turns to Roosevelt’s actions
against Japan. Of course, Roosevelt was successful
in getting the Japanese to take the bait. This is Hoover’s subject, for next
time.
Love the blog, Bionic. I'm reading a book presently entitled, "The Roosevelt Myth" by John T. Flynn. I think you'd love it. It's available free on the Ludwig von Mises website.
ReplyDeleteThank you for the kind words. I took a look at a review on the Mises website. The book looks interesting.
ReplyDeleteAmerica's impregnable defense should begin and end at her own border instead of being projected into other countries that have not threatened or attacked her.
ReplyDelete