The
Quest for Community: A Study in the Ethics of Order and Freedom, by Robert
Nisbet
There is not one way to look at history or an event in or
era of history. What might be deemed
progress when viewed through one lens could appear as decline when viewed
through another. This is most certainly
true regarding the topic that has occupied a good amount of my reading and
writing over the years:
Thus, if we value the emergence of
the individual from ancient confinements of patriarchal kinship, class, guild,
and village community, the outcome of modern European history must appear
progressive in large degree…. From the point of view of the individual – the
autonomous, rational individual – the whole sequence of events embodied in the
Renaissance, Reformation, and Revolution must appear as the work of progressive
liberation.
A valid view of the history, but not a complete view.
If, on the other hand, we value
coherent moral belief, clear social status, cultural roots, and a strong sense
of interdependence with others, the same major events of modern history can be
placed in a somewhat different light.
The changes have brought on moral uncertainty, confusion in
cultural meanings, and disruption in social contexts. In other words, changes that seem to move
society away from a possibility of freedom.
As you know, it is my view that since man cannot be reduced
to a mere economic being, he will find social contact where he can. This has been found in the state, as all
other social contacts have been made less and less relevant.
The changes can be summarized in the transition from medieval
to modern Europe. Nisbet offers,
regardless of one’s view of medieval society, a few characteristics cannot be
dismissed: first, the pre-eminence of small social groups such as family,
guild, village and monastery; second, the centrality of personal status.
The reality of the separate,
autonomous individual was as indistinct as that of centralized political
power. Both were subordinated to the
immense range of association that lay intermediate to individual and ruler….
The patriarchal family, church, and guild were such
intermediating institutions. But if one
accepts that someone or something will be in charge around here, which of the
two is preferable: centralized political power or decentralized intermediates? And, I guess, if one does not accept that
someone or something will be in charge around here, finding examples in history
are like finding needles in a haystack.
Medieval law is incomprehensible if one ignores this
decentralized reality: property belonged not to the individual but to the
family; law could not penetrate the threshold of the family. Even the relatively “freer” air of the towns
was a model of corporate association: one can consider guilds (or associations
of merchants and tradesmen), for example, as controlling institutions; on the
other hand, one can consider guilds as a form of decentralized governance. Those in the guild were expected to live
within its customs as sure as the peasant was on the manor.
Law and custom were virtually
indistinguishable, and both were hardly more than the inner order of
association.
Imagine if the laws of the west were nothing more than
generally accepted custom – even our custom of today, distorted and abused by
decades and centuries of subsidized destruction. We (libertarians) will often say that most
people live in a manner consistent with the non-aggression principle in their
daily activities and relationships. This is custom. What if this was also the law?
Although there were both “Pharisees and Protestants in the
medieval Church…the ethic of religion and the ethic of community were one.” This unity of ethic came under assault both
from decay within and from reformers without.
In Wyclif we find an almost modern
devotion to the individuality of conscience and faith and a devotion also to a
political environment capable of reducing the powers of the religious and
economic institutions in society. He was
opposed to ecclesiastical courts, to monasteries, to hierarchy within the
Church, to all of those aspects of Christianity that hemmed in, as it seemed,
the right of individual judgment.
Ultimately, this “devotion” was used by political leaders to
wrest authority from the Church and monopolize authority in themselves – the
beginnings of the modern State.
Not without cause has Wyclif been
called the morning star of the Reformation.
The modern economy is certainly a contributing factor to
this lack of functionality in traditional governance institutions and
decentralized authorities, yet Nisbet does not see it as the primary agent in
the transformation:
For with all the recognition of the
influences of factors, technology, the free market, and the middle class, the
operation of each of these has been given force only by a revolutionary system
of power and rights that cannot be contained within the philosophy of economic
determinism. This system is the
political State.
Conclusion
Nisbet offers:
The affinity between extreme
religious individualism and allegiance to central national power…is an actual historical
affinity.
I think history cannot be ignored on this point. There may be more causation than correlation,
given that the rise of individualism and the decline of competing governance
institutions are two sides of the same coin.