…and why no principle aimed at liberty – including the
non-aggression principle – can survive without it.
I ended my last post on this book with the following:
Rommen concludes: “In real life, this
attitude [favoring strictly positive law] is untenable….” When one acts, in real life as opposed to
living in his mind, he acts as if something of objective law exists – as man’s
common sense has ordinarily held.
If anyone were to attempt to
realize a strict and consistent positivism in the everyday life of society, his
sole possible attitude would be an unbearable cynicism.
Why? This is the question that the positivist,
ultimately, can never answer – hence, cynicism.
At some point, he must offer an unchallengeable, unquestionable
foundation – else there is no “why.”
Even the non-aggression principle
cannot stand without this why? There is
no other creature on earth that respects it – so, why should man?
Why?
The “why” is the question for the positivists. On what foundation does your positive law
exist? Rommen suggests that inevitably,
no matter how hard man struggles against it, the foundations of natural law are
leaned upon. Without this, cynicism is
all that is left.
Continuing now with his work: this “strict and consistent
positivism,” as Rommen puts it, has only one criterion for law:
…the will of the sovereign
formulated in accordance with the legislative process prescribed by the
constitution.
It is not difficult to understand why such a process will
result in cynicism – both in those who benefit from and those who suffer from
every such law.
As St. Augustine said, “Take away
justice, and what are realms but great robber bands?”
The will of the legislator is sufficient; so, what controls
this will? Well, for the positivist this
presents a dilemma: why should anything control it?
If the state is the omnipotent
creator of the law, a conflict between law and the lawmaker is, as positivism
indeed affirms, obviously out of the question.
For this reason, natural law thought patterns are found
hidden throughout the pronouncements of self-styled positivists – they are
expected to (and pretend to) justify their pronouncements via words that mimic something
approaching (however feebly) natural law.
An instance in point is the
principle that the individual should not be compelled to renounce interests to
which he is fully entitled. But the
whole question, of course, is to determine what makes him entitled to certain
interests.
Yes. Why? The pure positivist has no answer; to a
greater or lessor degree, the answer offered approaches something of natural
law – or at least pretends to do so.
Rommen notes that there was a time when things like a Bill
of Rights were unnecessary. Christian
tradition and the ideas of natural law placed limitations on sovereignty. I have written on such things in the past:
Constitutions – dating back even to the Magna Carta – were a
step backward, not a step forward; a Bill of Rights inherently suggested that
the rights were not natural to man. As Rommen
puts it:
…the modern positivist conception of
sovereignty has rendered formal and positive declarations of human rights a
practical necessity.
Conclusion
Modern totalitarianism is an end
product; it is not the opening period of a new era. It is indeed the final outcome of positivism….
Voluntas facit legem: will makes law. Law is as the sovereign wills, and there is
no check on the sovereign except by the sovereign. Where else can positivism lead but
totalitarianism?
As a result, the contemporary
criticism of the modern concept of sovereignty must logically turn against
legal positivism and thereby break down one of the greatest obstacles to the
revival of the natural-law idea.
We are certainly living through this. We see it in the divide in politics, albeit most
proponents and opponents likely don’t see the struggle in these terms.
We see it in the meaning crisis – if I have no inherent end
or purpose (from which natural law is then derived), then what is the point of
all of this? Nihilism and cynicism don’t
satisfy for long.
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