History is full of violent revolutions and civil wars. Overthrow the government; disband the state;
our guys will be better than their guys.
Rare is the example where the dreams have ever come true. Meet the new boss, same as the old boss; this
usually turns out to be the best case – with a lot of bloodshed and terror in
between.
Consider perhaps the best outcome of a violent revolution:
the American Revolution. In hindsight,
one could conclude that – at best – the situation for the average citizen of
one of the thirteen states improved for only a few years; at worst, well see this
from Gary North. For what it’s
worth, life under the Articles
of Confederation at least kept the seat of government power reasonably
close to home. Maybe far away was
better!
This lasted only until 1789, with the ratification of the
Constitution. Thirteen years (at best).
Half of which were war years. A pretty
high price to pay given the limited duration of any, at best negligible, benefit.
Conversely, an example of an extended
period of anarchy comes in medieval Europe, after the fall of Rome. Certainly not a Rothbardian anarchy, but a
period of significantly decentralized government. A result not directly of war, but of the collapse
of Rome due to the cost of empire, internal deficiencies, and the
withdrawal of consent by many of its citizens and subject.
“The
Cypresses Believe in God,” by José Maria Gironella is a novel, the first of
three in a series written by the author, on the Spanish civil war. In this volume, he writes about the eve of
the Civil War – from April 1931 to July 1936:
Considered by many critics to be
the greatest novel about the Spanish Civil War, this classic work by Spaniard
José Maria Gironella is an unbiased account of the complicated events,
movements and personalities that led up to the war. Beginning in 1931,
Cypresses covers the next five years of political unrest, culminating in the
explosion of the brutal war that wreaked such great havoc on Spain and its
citizens. In his epic novel, both gripping and suspenseful, Gironella deftly
portrays the human conflict, both internal and external. The most influential
philosophical movements of the 20th century are embodied in various characters.
Through them, the reader is introduced to every faction involved—[anarchist],
communist, Catholic, royalist, existentialist, and others.
Prior to reading this first installment, I knew little about
this war. Communists on one side,
fascists on the other; there were anarchists in there somewhere (which side?);
at the end of it all, Franco was dictator for a long time.
I don’t intend to review the novel in multiple installments
or in significant detail – the detail, in fact, is almost overwhelming for someone with a
limited knowledge of the events, political parties, etc. And Gironella introduces dozens of characters
– some historical, some fictional.
Through these characters, he tells the story of life in such a tumultuous
time – a personal story of regular people, not a story of politicians and
generals. A story of how such chaos
impacts those people.
Gironella paints a picture of the chaos, turmoil, and terror
when one is faced with a situation from which there is no escape – when no
avenue offers safety, when no side can be chosen because all sides are violent
and repressive, and choosing the wrong (losing) side is just as likely as
choosing the right (winning) side; and the “right” and “wrong” sides can change
claim to the seat of power, at times even day-to-day.
Such is life in revolution and civil war – no good choices
regarding life and death.
The story is centered in Gerona, in the extreme northeast
of Catalonia near the French border and the Mediterranean. The story centers on one family, the Alvears:
Matías, his wife Carmen Elgazu, their sons Ignacio and César, and their
daughter Pilar. He begins the novel:
On the second floor of one of the
oldest houses on the right bank of the river lived the Alvears. The front balconies looked out on the Rambla,
opposite the Café Neutral, located in the middle of the pleasantest arcade of
the city; the rear window and balcony overhung the river, the Oñar.
The Alvears are a working-class family – they do not go
hungry, but their existence is almost day-to-day. Matías, a telegraph operator, might be one of
the wisest characters in the novel – astute to the political climate and risks. Carmen is devoutly Catholic, and is pleased
when her oldest son, Ignacio, goes to seminary.
Then, rather disappointed when he decides shortly thereafter that
seminary is not for him.
Ignacio, after leaving seminary, tastes some of what the
world has to offer. After experiencing and
recovering from certain painful negative consequences of his decisions, he goes
with his mother for a confession lasting 90 minutes – which pleases Carmen to
no end:
As for Ignacio, he kept his
promise. Arm in arm with Carmen Elgazu,
he went out in the midafternoon to go to confession.
“Where do you want to go?”
“To Mosén Francisco.”
Carmen Elgazu was pleased with the
choice. And they turned their steps in
the direction of the parish of San Félix, crossing the Calle de las Ballesterías.
The choice of priest had been
deliberate. Ignacio wanted someone who
would understand and console him, who would give him courage to begin a new
life.
The entire experience changes Ignacio, toward a more
thoughtful and contemplative attitude.
Carmen’s disappointment at Ignacio’s leaving his priestly
path is soothed when César decides he will go to seminary. After two years, he is sent home from the
seminary early for the summer with a note:
César arrived unexpectedly. He came from Collell carrying a letter from
his Latin teacher which read: “Make him sleep.
He has spent whole nights here praying without feeling fatigue.”
Carmen Elagazu untied her apron
and, quickly pinning her hair in place, went to see Mosén Alberto. César had spent whole nights in prayer
without feeling tired. “What is your
opinion of that?” Mosén Alberto, to whom
the director of Collell had already written in this connection, was of the
simple opinion that César was a saint and that this was evidence of grace. Carmen Elgazu raised her hands to her cheeks
and cried: “Jesus!” Her joy was so great
that her eyes filled with tears that perhaps were water, perhaps not. “A saint!
A miracle! My son performs
miracles!”
César is struck by the tragic condition of the poor, a
burden he carries throughout the novel; sensing the coming turmoil, he comes to
accept a fatal attitude toward his future.
Pilar, the youngest, is not as well developed as a character
– yet we learn that she is attractive enough to gain the attention of certain,
locally powerful individuals – including Julio, a childhood friend of Matías
and eventually the chief of police for the town (and reportedly a Mason).
Neither Matías nor Carmen are native to Catalonia – and this
immediately introduces one facet of the coming difficulties. They are considered outsiders in an area that
remained under the Republican (as opposed to Nationalist) control for much of
the war.
Wait! What do you
mean, Republican and Nationalist? Now,
further complications are introduced.
Basically, the Republicans consist of groups that can be labeled
communist, socialist, and anarchist – anarchist like Bakunin, not anarchist
like Rothbard
– and supported externally by the Soviet Union and Mexico. This marriage of anarchists with the
communists seems to be one of convenience, as they have little in common other
than common enemies.
The Nationalists consist of groups that can be loosely
described as fascist, as well as supporters to a return of monarchical rule;
Catholics were aligned with the Nationalists as well. This side was supported externally by Italy,
Nazi Germany, and Portugal.
However, these groupings, while reasonably appropriate,
should be considered generalizations.
For example, in different regions, alliances could be somewhat
different.
Throughout the novel, even five years before the beginning
of hostilities, one has a sense of the coming conflict. The building of factions is developing. There are episodes of strikes, countered by
martial law and arrests. These episodes
are somewhat limited in scope and duration.
Yet, a sense of coming conflict and an inevitability are two
different things – to flee is not judged worthwhile in this condition.
For the rich, why leave?
Their wealth is tied in their factories, in their lands. To leave and start over comes with a great
cost. For the poor, how can they afford
to leave? But in all cases, while the
sense of risk is there, it is somewhere out
there, not yet here and not yet certain.
Gironella describes the formations of the various political
groupings and parties – in the bank where Ignacio works, among the handful of
employees, virtually every faction is represented. Not merely Republican and Nationalist, but
the multitude of parties that made up each of these groups.
Life in Gerona proceeds throughout this period of prelude to
the war – the economy is slowing, more and more are unemployed, no answers seem
to be found. This raises the
possibilities for the communists and anarchists, who begin a program of
delivering free food from the outlying farms to those in the city who accept
the party card.
Cosme Vila is the local communist leader, and at one time a
fellow bank employee with Ignacio. El Responsable
is the anarchist leader – the two of them form this union to bring food from
the rural areas and into the city. It is
a union of convenience, as other than a desire to overthrow the government and
counter the Nationalist factions, they hold little in common.
Gironella describes the activities of the private teachers –
David and Olga – socialists with a vision of indoctrination for
schoolchildren. In the fragmenting and
rebuilding of society, they find an uneasy home with the communist Republicans.
The priests and bishops – the fate that awaits them if the
Republicans seize control. The
businessmen and landowners. We are
introduced to dozens of residents of Gerona, as well as intriguing characters
from elsewhere in Spain, and even Russia and Germany.
The pressure raised by the Republicans increases. As the situation reaches boiling, a faction
of the military attempts a coup in 1936 – with the proclaimed intent to save
Spain from the Republican influence – the communists, socialists, and
anarchists.
Arriba España! The coup is for Spain.
In the various regions of Spain, this coup comes with mixed
results. In parts of Spain, the
Nationalist forces hold territory – Franco being the notable example.
In Gerona, it lasts only one day. The representatives of the military that
remained loyal to the government bring it to a quick end; through this, the
Republicans see their chance. They then
unleash terror in the city – burning and looting the churches, killing members
of opposing parties by the hundreds through the first few nights of complete
terror.
Merely owning a firearm, if one was a member of the wrong
side, was enough to warrant execution – not only disarmament, but execution.
By the dozens, the so-called enemies of the people are jailed
by day or taken from their homes in the night, subsequently marched out at
night to face their fate.
Matías fears for his family.
While not directly involved with either party, both Ignacio and Pilar
have become friendly with Marta and Mateo, respectively, who are both
affiliated with Falange Española, a fascist group now on the losing side in
Gerona. César, being from the seminary,
was in even more danger. Matías racks his
brain for a method of protecting his family.
The Alvear family was among those
seeking a protector. Julio had sent them
a message: “Be on guard. They are
looking for Mateo and Marta, and your house will be searched. Be careful with Ignacio and César.”
He recalls at one time Ignacio gave blood to Dimas, an
anarchist of some standing. Matías
leaves the house, at some risk to his own safety, and returns with Dimas, who
promises to protect the family as long as they all stay in the home.
Matías was back in exactly half an
hour. His return was dramatic. His heart was going like a triphammer. He still could not explain how the idea had
come to him. It must have been the hand
of Providence. When he received Julio’s
note, his desire to save his children was so great that he had hit upon the
solution.
The fact of the matter is that he
returned with a tall, unshaved man armed with two huge revolvers; Dimas, of
Salt. And accompanying Dimas, another
militiaman, short, whose gleaming white teeth gave him a pleasing
expression. Dimas was growling: “You should
have said so, you should have said so.
Not even God is coming in here.”
Carmen Elgazu and César were struck
dumb at his words, but they understood their meaning, as did Ignacio, as did
Pilar. Such a weight had rolled off Matías’
shoulders that Dimas’ language amused him.
Unfortunately and initially undetected, César the seminarian
leaves the house, never to be seen by the family again. He was one who was rounded up in the jail,
and later marched out at night to meet his fate:
A volley rang out, and César felt
something gently pierce his skin.
Moments later he heard a voice
saying: “I absolve you in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit,”
a voice coming nearer and repeating: “I absolve you in the name of the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Spirit.” And he
also heard groans. He opened his eyes
for a moment. He saw a militiaman
kneeling and taking tiny communion wafers from his wrist watch and putting them
into the mouths of his fallen neighbors.
In the militiaman he recognized Mosén Francisco. César’s eyes closed. He felt a kiss on his forehead. Then his heart closed.
César the saint, who previously sensed his fate, met it
quietly.
The priest, Mosén Francisco, instead of hiding, went out disguised
in the clothes of the militiamen in order to perform this duty.
And with this, the first installment of Gironella’s
wonderful work comes to a close.
Throughout the novel, I am struck by the paralyzing nature
of the situation – what choices can one make when all choices are bad? Gironella paints this picture with great
nuance and clarity – the lives of everyday people in a boat floating off as it
will – with no one able to control it.
Such is the path of violent revolution or civil war.
I say make it a non-violent one
instead.
Poignant in several respects BM, and more similar to the present than is comfortable. Non-violent would definitely be better. We could have far more factions than Spain did. And even more outside involvement. I don't see any good choices at present. Good things are happening, people are obviously waking up, but I fear it will all be worked into the plans of big money.
ReplyDeletetaxes
Taxes, while I was reading the book (and writing this post), I did think about the similarities to the present. But what I thought much more about was the idea prevalent today that through war a positive change can be made.
DeletePerhaps this can be best captured in the phrase "making the world safe for democracy." I think about the father in Iraq or Syria or (fill in the blank) who wants what fathers everywhere want - provide for the family; ensure an education for the children.
Instead, every day he knows that his wife may not come back alive from the market, or the children might not come home from school. In the meantime, what side does he take in the conflict? With the foreign (US) troops might be safe for now, but with what ramifications tomorrow?
This is what I thought about mostly - it is today a government that is fomenting revolution in countless regions in the world. And it is creating a hell on earth for people who never bothered anybody.
It appears to me that we will eventually join the fill in the blank category. And that may be what finally sets off WW-whatever you want to call it. If this is not the Biblical, or other, end times, I assume that the human race will survive. That will give future equivalents of Rothbard, North, Rockwell, Flynn,...a chance to be as obscure as these great explainers of history are now.
DeleteI say this because despite the awakening occurring now, most individuals are still only getting bits and pieces of the picture. How many people do you know personally who understand that SS is a socialist program that over time distorts the thinking of entire societies, and because of that want it to end?
I recently met a woman who retired from an accounting job with a PBS station. She has a degree in economics. She had never even heard of Hayek, let alone any of the other prominent Austrians. The concepts that I discussed with her were completely foreign. I might as well have been speaking Martian.
The situation is just as bad in other areas of thought. The Neocons don't just think we should fight wars. They think that we must continuously fight to even survive as a country and a society. The academics and journalists think they must flog the establishment line or lose their cushy existence, and don't see, or don't care, that we all lose if they do.
With a lot of external help, we scored a touchdown by staying out of Syria, and missed any extra point you want to name. That makes the score six, to whatever enormous number you want to name.
I don't believe that the Germans were any less cognizant of the Nazi evil than we are of our own. Yet, on they pushed, propaganda and normalcy bias at the wheel. Just as we.
We may never closely resemble the Spain of the Civil War or the Germany of WWII, or the Russia/Soviet Union of the revolution. But it could be worse, we could be some of each. That anyone would write a book titled The Messianic Character of American Education is disconcerting. That it was Rushdoony, who in another book titled The One and the Many...included a section of a few long paragraphs that he called, The Libertarian Failure, which, as all of his work, is well thought out, is worse. I cannot even call myself a Christian, let alone a Calvinist, but he's right.
Few of our young remember much before 9/11. Few of our middle-aged remember much before the time when most Christian denominations could at best be called absurd. Almost no one remembers a time when we were not, socialists who do not understand that they are socialists.
taxes
Taxes, this is a very good comment. Thank you for taking the time to share it here. I appreciate that you regularly provide good feedback here.
DeleteI agree with much of what you say. I will comment on a couple of your points, and then end with my general view.
“That will give future equivalents of Rothbard, North, Rockwell, Flynn,...a chance to be as obscure as these great explainers of history are now.”
I know that they are relatively obscure. But I remember their obscurity 20 – 30 years ago – truly those who knew Rothbard could fit in a phone-booth. The relative increase in ‘scurity (what else do I call it?) today is mind-boggling to me.
Austrian economics, while ridiculed, is at least mentioned. Ron Paul drew more in one college campus appearance in 2012 than he did total votes in 1988 (not really, but you get my point).
More important to me than the relative obscurity is the trend line – and the trend is clear, with no reason to change direction.
“I say this because despite the awakening occurring now, most individuals are still only getting bits and pieces of the picture.”
This is true – people I talk to know SOMETHING is wrong, but have a hard time identifying or accepting what it is. Some of them will continue to look until they find a satisfactory answer, and of those few, some will find the Austrians / libertarians.
“That it was Rushdoony…”
I have not read him directly, but Dr. North (his son-in-law, as I suspect you know) has referenced his work many times. He certainly did his part.
Do you know that Rushdoony apparently helped do more for homeschooling freedom in the US than almost anyone? This is the power of one individual, even when working in relative obscurity. And on a topic that is just as important as central banking, he helped to secure a big victory.
My two cents:
1) More than anything, the elite want to retain control through regulatory democracy
2) To do this, they will take many steps back if necessary
3) They will have to take those steps back
4) World War whatever is too dangerous for them personally. I believe this will happen only by accident.
5) In the end, I don’t believe we will see a libertarian world. But, after passing through some rougher times, I believe we will see a more (classical) liberal world.
6) If I am wrong, there is nothing I can do about it; in this case the survival of me and my family will be left to chance as much as anything (a self-sustaining farm in the middle of nowhere is no salvation in such a scenario)
7) In the meantime, I do what I can – write, teach those around me that are willing to listen, and to the extent I am able, financially support those who spread the right message and have a farther reach than I do.
Non-violent or Non-dangerous? If you say "I couldn't take another's life even they are soldiers of the tyranny" could you nonetheless support members of resistance movements at great personal risk if caught? E.g.: Suppose Snowden is forcefully extradited to the U.S., yet somehow escapes and turns up at your house seeking your assistance in hiding him: could you do it? Could you do it when the authorities sent out a strong message that aiding Snowden would be considered a terrorist act instead of a criminal one which means going straight to a concentration camp for "interrogation" instead simply being arrested? Could you do it when soldiers are casing your town with the latest equipment and assure everyone that it's only a matter of time until they will find him?
ReplyDeleteMore and more, I realize libertarianism is an emasculated, increasingly irrelevant and basically Leftist movement.
ReplyDeleteExcellent post and an important message for all who desire to see revolutionary level changes in society...look for it at a Lions of Liberty near you this week!
ReplyDeleteThank you, Marc.
Delete