Joe Salerno has written
an
excellent essay, describing the perspective of Ludwig von Mises on the
inter-related subjects of political borders, immigration, and nation.
Further, Salerno offers clarity on Mises’s
view of liberalism – and it isn’t classical liberalism as generally described.
The entire piece is worth at least two reads;
I will here offer only an overview.
Salerno offers:
My purpose in this short essay is
to set forth Mises’s views on immigration as he developed them as an integral
part of the classical liberal program he elaborated. I shall not attempt to
criticize or evaluate his views.
Salerno is the consummate professional; courteous,
scholarly, respectful. As I am, on the other hand, a mosquito…I will handle this
topic a little differently; not regarding Mises’s views but the views of some
in the audience.
Beginning his piece, Salerno offers that many advocates of free
immigration point to Mises as a fellow traveler. But…not so fast:
However, Mises’s views on the free
migration of labor across existing political borders were carefully nuanced and
informed by political considerations based on his first-hand knowledge of the
deep and abiding conflicts between nationalities in the polyglot states of
Central and Eastern Europe leading up to World War One and during the
subsequent interwar period.
Conflicts between nationalities within the same political
boundaries; Mises certainly would know, having lived it. This leads directly to Mises’s view of
“liberalism”:
[Liberalism’s] two fundamental
principles were freedom or, more concretely, “the right of self-determination
of peoples” and national unity or the “nationality principle.” The two
principles were indissolubly linked.
For Mises, self-determination was an individual right; for
Mises, the freedom offered by liberalism could not be separated from (or
perhaps could not survive without) “national unity.” There is no “liberalism” without “national
unity” (as Salerno describes it: “national unity based on a common language,
culture, and modes of thinking and acting”).
If you can remain patient for about 160 words, this seeming
contradiction will be explained.
I know some in the audience choke whenever they see me (and
now Mises) using the word “nation,” conflating this idea with “state.” Mises is not confused (but it would be silly
to think he was):
…the nation has a fundamental and
relatively permanent being independent of the transient state (or states) which
may govern it at any given time.
Read again what Salerno offers for clarification of “national
unity” and how this differs from the concept of “state.” Consider that national unity offers the
possibility of a significantly less coercive state. For Mises, political borders that do not
evolve with the nation offered a certainty of internal conflict; political
borders that do not respect the nation within it offer conflict as well.
Consider also that this came about naturally – inherent in
man’s nature. Citing Mises:
The formation of [liberal
democratic] states comprising all the members of a national group was the result of the exercise of the right of
self determination, not its purpose.
Human beings are not atomistic beings; human beings hold
emotional and spiritual bonds with other select
human beings. Call these select human
beings family, kin, and nation. In other
words, humans are…human. Salerno offers Rothbard on this point as
well:
Contemporary libertarians often
assume, mistakenly, that individuals are bound to each other only by the nexus
of market exchange. They forget that everyone is necessarily born into a
family, a language, and a culture.
Salerno goes on to describe Mises view of similarities of
colonialism and minorities within a political boundary. In many ways, the treatment by the overlords
/ majorities of these two groups is similar.
Mises maintains that two or more
“nations” cannot peacefully coexist under a unitary democratic government.
And with this, a clue is offered as to why national movements
sprung forth at the same time that the state moved toward liberalism and
democracy. Mises, I think, would have
expected nothing else.
Conclusion
Thus, concludes Mises, even if the
member of the minority nation, “according to the letter of the law, be a
citizen with full rights . . . in truth he is politically without rights, a
second class citizen, a pariah.”
It is easy to be for open borders, unchecked immigration,
and the dismissal of culture when one is a part of the political majority. Try being the minority for a while; see how that feels.
Don’t yell at me, take it up with Mises.